And before Aragon, Navarre ?
We constantly seek to go back in time in our search for traces of the Family, - for that is what this Site is partly about, looking to find evidence of a definite presence and in this Chapter as to our as yet undetailed doings in the one-time Kingdom of Navarre, a kingdom originally founded in the 9th century.

One of the sources relied upon here is an Article headed: "Names of Jews in Medieval Navarre " written by Lidia Becker and itself based upon a collection entitled "Navarra Judaica. Documentos para la Historia de los judios del reino de Navarra " [J.Carrasco Perez, F.M. Garcia, E.R. Vaquero 1994-1999 - Pamplona, Govt. of Navarre, Dept. of Education and Culture].

Although today an integral part of Spain, Navarre's national identity had a chequered past. After release from the Moors at the beginning of the 12th century, (Tudela - 1121), it became an independent kingdom but in 1274 fell under French sovereignty later to again become an independent Kingdom. As a result, and whilst under the French anti-semitism was to a degree policy, Navarre's independent monarchs adopted a much milder one as the years went by and towards the end of the late medieaval period the Country presented attitudes towards the Jews differing from those of its other Christian neighbours.

We have already seen this in the position and attitudes of its cities, - and Tudela in the main, - as a regular refuge for persecuted Spanish Jewry. And indeed, the regular expulsions of Jews from Valois France throughout the whole of the 14th century were granted refuge and taken in by the French/Burgundian and still Capetian Kings of Navarre.

True, the Expulsion was eventually applied in Navarre too, (in 1498), but only under fierce pressure from Castile Aragon which then proceeded to conquer Navarre's own lands south of the Pyrenees, (between 1512-1524), so that presumably even the memories of that safe-haven could be destroyed.

This chapter inevitably raises questions about the Benardouts' arrival into Aragon and the possibility that, - remembering too the "French connection " often mentioned in this Survey, - that arrival could well have been via or in parallel to Navarre, a country which was far closer politically to France than to Spain, for Navarre included both the Basque country and territories north of the Pyrenees.

Ms. Becker brings this clear statement : "according to Rother 2001, 332 [Bernd Rother, 2001, Die Iberische Halbinsel] the first Jews in Christian lands of the Iberian Peninsular moved there from France " - i.e., in a southerly direction but on the other hand she refers to the Jews of Southern Spain, long under Visigoths and Moors - who clearly moved northwards. This northwards movement began in the 9th and 10th centuries. Thus we now have the possibility that the first Benardouts came northwards from Moorish controlled - and preferred - parts of Spain, a firmly based alternative route in answer to the question: Where were we immediately before Aragon ? "Southern Spain " seems to be a clear answer, since, - after all - Jews had been there from the earliest years of the Diaspora, if not from earlier as Roman citizens, traders and slaves.

References at the opening of Ms. Becker's Article, based upon the appearance of Jewish names, indicate a firm Benardout presence in Navarre from the 12th century. The Article refers to the origins of Navarre's own "established " community of Jewry as having been founded in the 12th century in Tudela, Pamplona (the capital city), Estella and Sanguesa, along the Ebro Valley, (with the Jewish population making up some 5-6% of the whole in the later 13th and 14th centuries).

Indeed, we now know with certainty that the celebrated Benardout Medical Dynasty had its origins in Tudela, the first Dr. Benardout known of having been recorded there as long ago as 1178, (see the "Dr. Benardout " Chapter). What we do not know, however, - even from Beatrice Leroy's subsequent Work, - (See later for the reference), - is how they came to own land from even before then in Navarre's main towns, nor for how long they had done so.

It may well be that the Benardouts moved away from Navarre into Aragon itself quite early on, eventually joining the Court of the Kings of Aragon, since little mention of the name is found in Navarre after 1200. The Medical family seems to have moved on in this way, reappearing in Aragon's historical records after about 100 years, - perhaps they simply went where their services were more needed - a matter of grasses green.......

On the other hand, Marlene has found an Article in Spanish from the site :SFARADES el portal del judaismo en Espana - 18th July, 2018, - referring to the Family on one occasion, - and entitled "La Juderia Navarra ". The reference is to their substantial presence during the 12th and 13th centuries in Tudela........only a few kilometers up the road from our Tarazona !


The only additional mention of a family member in Leroy is from 1361, when the Cistercian Monastery of Fitero, on the Navarre-Castile border, took a very substantial loan from a Navarrian magnate, one Ezmel Ablitas, against 7 guarantors with one of the three required witnesses to the notarialised transaction being a certain "Jew from Tudela, Ezmel Cohen Avenardut ". This certainly confirms that particular family-member amongst Navarre's higher ranks of society, but we do not learn more than that.

But, on the other hand, there is no Benardout included in official Lists of registered money-lenders, court actions, criminal affairs and the like, nor as borrowers, witnesses, Rabbis or otherwise. If they were still there they kept a quite uncharacteristicly low profile !!

Ms. Becker notes that : "In the valleys around Tudela the concentration of Jews reached 20% ". This is not particularly surprising to us perhaps, since we are well aware of the Jewish concentration in that part of Iberia. You may recall that Tarazona itself, sitting in Aragon on a tributary of the Ebro had a stable 15% Jewish population, - only 21 kilometers from Tudela.

In Ms. Becker's Article there are en passant references to the Abenardut Family recorded as having been amongst the very first clearly-named families of the "established community " and one of the "earliest prominent Jewish Families of Navarre ". But again - no follow-up !!

The first and original name corpus brought by her for Navarre actually starts with Muca Abenardud [1146 !!], and that of course is a more Moorish form of the name making him possibly from the south originally ! Later there is the statement :
"As early as in the 12th century some originally individual bynames started to be inherited from generation to generation within the same family. Some of the earliest prominent Jewish families of Navarre are : Abenardut.......... " - [Source : Beatrice Leroy [1985 - 14], The Jews of Navarre in the Late Middle Ages, - Jerusalem, The Magnes Press, Hebrew University Hispania Judaica 4].

There are two other points which need to be made here. The one is that if - and that is Ms. Becker's view, - if individual surnames/bynames started to be established and inherited in and about the 12th century, then there seems little prospect of finding the Benardout name in Navarre, Aragon, Southern France, Valencia or anywhere else from an earlier period - simply because the surname, as such, did not yet exist, was not in common usage.

The Family did, but it may have been known simply as - Cohen perhaps ? The Cohen-Levi naming was strongly maintained always and everywhere. And to this would have been added, in the Hebrew fashion, those first names which we have carried down to latest generations, - Aharon son of Joseph, (apologies), Joseph son of Solomon, Moshe son of Azriel, Samuel, El'azar son of Chaim (and we see these examples recurring throughout our history).

Then there is also the distant possibility that those who later bore the name Alfaquim - Don Samuel Alfaquim - were in fact Benardouts of the medical family who had not taken the relatively new surname but remained with the Arabic "trade-description " name.

The other point is again in reference to what has already been raised in the Survey, - what is the actual meaning of the surname - Ardut ? We once indicated that it may possibly have come from the Hebrew word for bronze metal - indicating perhaps an origin in northern Spain (See: the mining items in the Tarazona chapter), and simply because it would seem to have been possible, perhaps even natural to adopt a Hebraic word as the Family name in a friendly and protective Country. Ironically, Navarre was famous more for its lead-mining......

The alternative suggested has been the Latin Ardit, meaning brave, courageous. fearless..... (fair enough !).....with the thus stronger possibility that it had been adopted in the then Moorish South of Spain. The "Dr. Benardout " Chapter also has something on this. I believe that in the Arabic though, the word implies submission or surrender..............

But it would take so much research to follow up these questions that one must leave it to a future generation. I hope it is enough to have laid down reasonable boundaries to that research.
The study of naming and the analysis of mediaeval names is a total science in itself and in practical terms may often lead one into something of a dead-end, - as here. But the joy is in the search not in the discovery, and it is to be hoped that a few of you will find in this short chapter on Navarre reason for delving deeper by yourselves.


The first news of the existence of Jews in Navarre territory can be traced, as in the rest of the Iberian Peninsula, to the time of the Roman Empire. In Visigothic Spain, Jewish communities constitute a minority of well-defined contours. After the harassment of the Spanish-Visigothic monarchy, Muslim domination favored Jewish settlements in the Peninsula. There are abundant testimonies that support the presence of a flourishing Jewish quarter in the Muslim Tudela.

However, until the first decades of the twelfth century, as a result of the conquest of a large part of the Ebro valley, the mentions of Tudela's Jews are not lavished. Beginning in 1119, the Hebrew communities scattered throughout the Ribera, which for centuries had remained under the control of Islam, received the Fuero de N aacute;jera. Covered by this order, the Jewish population played a large role in the repopulation tasks and in the reactivation of the economy.

On the other hand, in the transition from the 11th to the 12th century, an increase in urban life is perceived, sheltered from the pilgrimage routes. Both phenomena of repopulation, contributed decisively to the modification of the social structure of the kingdom of Navarre. The good results obtained by the installation of a Hebrew community in Estella, advised to repeat the experience in other places on the route to Santiago.

In 1154, as part of a new repopulation action, the bishop of Pamplona, ​​with the permission of the king, carried out the establishment of Jewish population in the urban area of ​​Pamplona, ​​under the same regime granted to the aljama estellesa. Thus, the Jewish enclaves of the Kingdom of Navarre were structured around two axes: the Camino de Santiago, which brings together the Jewish quarters of the Middle Navarre, and the Ebro valley, with the communities of Tudela and its "albala ". The nucleus of the northernmost Jewish population was that of Pamplona, ​​because north of the capital of Navarre there was not a single aljama.

The southern Jewish quarters, born and developed in the shadow of the community of Tudela, were by order of importance, Cascante, Arguedas, Corella, Caparroso, Cadreita, Cortes, Valtierra and Villafranca. Located to the south of the Arag oacute;n river, they housed a population that oscillated between the 30 families of Cascante and the ten of Villafranca. The capital of the Ribera came to have about 300 families - 25% of the total population - which made it the most important aljama in the kingdom, a true focus of Navarre Judaism.

These demographic estimates, with some margin of error, refer to the fourteenth century. The communities of the Navarra Media are: Pamplona, ​​
Estella, Sang uuml;esa, Monreal, Puente la Reina, Los Arcos and Viana. To these seven first-time Jewish quarters, those of Ler iacute;n, Sesma, Mendavia, Laguardia and San Vicente joined themselves, as a result of further expansions. The Jews of the city of Ega, installed in the neighborhood of the district of San Pedro de la Ruacute;a, formed a group of about fifty families or homes with reference to the second half of the 14th century, as its population suffered considerable losses with the assault and destruction of which was object in 1328.

The Pamplona Jewish quarter, on the backs of the Navarre riacute;a and the episcopal palace, was also destroyed and burned down. In 1276, French troops penetrated the city of Navarrer iacute;a, in the cathedral and its surroundings, sowing death and destruction. For years, the Hebrew population lived dispersed by the different nuclei of the city. Throughout the fourteenth century, rebuilt its primitive site, the Pamplona Jewish quarter came to house some 100 to 150 families.

The villages of Viana and Laguardia register a contingent of Jewish population very similar to Estella: 50 and 70 homes, respectively. The rest of the communities described were medium agglomerations, which in no case exceeded thirty fires.

A third area can be distinguished, which integrates a large part of the aljamas of the Val de Funes district. Here are counted those of Olite, Tafalla, Larraga, Artajona, Funes, Peralta, Falces, C aacute;rcar, Andosilla, San Adri aacute;n and Azagra. With different densities, the number of Jewish quarters was thirty-two. However, the largest aljamas are reduced to seven: Tudela, Pamplona, ​​Estella, Los Arcos, Viana, Laguardia, Sang uuml;esa and Cascante.

There is great mobility of this minority, giving rise to true internal migratory flows. Tudela, located in the vicinity of the border with the kingdoms of Castile and Aragon, represented a focus of demographic attraction. The nature of the mobility of this population was diverse; for the most part it obeyed favorable moments of economic activity, but without forgetting the levels of anti-Semitic hostility and resentment. The assaults and looting suffered by the Jewish quarters of Sang uuml;esa, Estella and San Adri aacute;n, among others, influenced the targeted displacements.

Following attentive examination of the nominative lists conserved, they are noted patronymics that make an express reference to their origin. Among the Navarrese Jews there are the Abet, Azafar, Zuri, who betray a certain Arabization. It is possible that the Almohad persecutions propitiate an emigration of Andalusian Jews, as they seem to show the names of some lineages: Gamiz, Chavatiz, Abbas. Others come from Christian Spain: Medell iacute;n, Burgos, Zaragoza, L eacute;rida, Barcelona, ​​etc.

Throughout the last centuries of the Middle Ages, the flow of Jewish population to Navarra is an unquestionable fact. The tolerance and treatment of the refugees made the Navarrese site a true land of asylum, especially since 1274, a date that marks a critical moment in the anti-Semitic policy of the Capet monarchy. The deterioration of the conditions of the French Jews - due to the extension of the royal domains in the Midi, as well as the reinforcement of the Church after the Albigensian Crusade - led to the desolation of a large number of communities in southern France. These events, which led to the expulsion of 1306, caused a wave of emigrants to the small kingdom.

The preferred region was the Ribera Tudelana Some years later, since the spring of 1320, the movement of the "pastorellos " spread panic among the population, both Christians and Jews. These persecutions reached their paroxysm with the massacres of 1328.

In the reign of Juana II and Felipe III of Evreux (1328-1349) a migratory current is detected coming from the domains of the House of Evreux. This circumstance has an accounting reflex in the Treasurer's records, under the rubric "Pecha de los jeunes de Ultrapuertos ". Thanks to these relationships it has been possible to trace a geography of the movements of French Jews towards Navarra. There are families that carry anthroponyms from Paris, Chartres, Pont-Audemer, which clearly evidences their origin.

Others, from Provins and Troyes, carried out a long exodus to the villages of Olite and Estella. From the lands of the county of Angouleme and its periphery come other contingents of emigrants: Bona de Saint Maixent and the Niort de Sang uuml;esa, are the best-known examples. Small villages of Poitou, P eacute;rigord, Berry and the Auvergne are the places of origin of as many families. Place names such as Saint Pour
ccedil;ain-sur-Sioule, Neufbourg, Orthez and Tonneis, are linked to the prefects of Jewish families of Navarre.

There is also no lack of Provencal Jews, originally from Beaucaire and Perpignan,
Estella and Tudela reunite the preferences of the exiles, because they concentrated almost 65% of the original population of Ultrapuertos. The arrival of artisans and new capitals served to reactivate the economic, social and cultural contacts between the communities on both sides of the Pyrenees. Wars and persecutions caused transfers of Hebrew population of the Crown of Castile towards the kingdom of Navarre.

In 1370, Queen Joan ordered that all Jews from Castile be received under the protection and direct protection of the Crown. The receiving role of the Navarrese Jewish quarters was broken in the second half of the 15th century. During the civil strife, the aljamas of Tudela, Pamplona and Estella saw their demographic numbers decrease alarmingly. With everything, and despite the increase in restrictive measures, the Tudelana Jewish quarter maintained its vitality and attractiveness.

After the decrees of expulsion of the Catholic Kings, in 1492, important contingents of Jews arrived in Tudela. The alcabala of the "foranos " Jews represented a healthy income for the municipal treasury: two hundred pounds a year, in the period of six years that mediates between the decrees of exile from both kingdoms. In 1490, the aljamade capital of the Ribera was valued at one hundred houses, the lowest demographic level in its history.

The family is the fundamental unit upon which the Hebrew social organization rests. United by economic, legal and religious interests, it is a patriarchal entity. Nevertheless, women represent an important role in the preservation of the religious tradition; in certain economic and mercantile activities, it enjoys full legal capacity. In 1366, Mira ben Menir, wife of Nathan del Gabay, Jewish of Tudela, appears as the owner of several letters of sale. In the loan registers, the ratio of women creditors is 8.4%; and its presence in the markets of Estella and Los Arcos as sellers of silk, shoes and wheat is very representative. Religious life is an essential element of cohesion for the Jewish family. The family unit adopts a delicate treatment towards orphans, to whom it grants protection and protection with the knowledge and approval of the community.

The Mosaic Law informs the smallest details of daily life. Synagogues, cemeteries, baths, butcher shops,
etc., are essential elements of the life and topography of the Jewish quarters. The legislation and politics of the kings of Navarre established a close dependence on their Jews, to whom they conferred official recognition for the religious practice of the children of Israel. Its legal framework presented a duality: the moral obligations of the Mosaic Law and the precepts of the General Jurisdiction and its Amejoramientos.

The internal life of the communities is regulated by the agreements of each assembly, collected in the famous Taqanot (tecana) or ordinances of each Jewish quarter. Only those of Tudela and Puente la Reina are known; it is known that all aspects of the life of the aljama were regulated with detail and precision. Observance of religious holidays (Paschal, Yom Kippur, Feast of the Palms and Sukkot); marriages contracted outside the kingdom; Justice administration; rules for commercial practice, etc.

There were severe measures against the denouncers or malsines. The aljama appeared as the holder of judicial functions contained in the taim uacute;dico law. The offenders could be expelled from the community or excommunicated; in such cases the letter of Nidui was applied to them, when the exile was less than fifty years, and that of Herem for higher penalties. These penalties could be redeemed by paying cash fines (50 to 200 pounds).

In the government of the aljama existed the positions of juries, regidores or solicitors in proportional number to the demographic importance. In Estella, the jurors of his aljama were three and in Pamplona, ​​four. The general assembly met in the synagogue. In Tudela, the synagogue chosen was that of the Weavers, in the neighborhood of the same name. This community had a Council of Twenty, which acts by delegation of the general assembly, was, in fact, the executive body. For other performances there were 42 advanced, these had some similarity with the mayorales of the Christian councils.

The government of the Jewish quarter often fell into the hands of a few families, who constituted a kind of urban oligarchy. In this sense the lineages of the Menir, Falaquera and Orabuena are known in Tudela; Levi and Ezquerra, in Estella; Alborge and Albofaza, in Pamplona. Unlike other peninsular kingdoms, until 1390 there was no figure in Navarre of the Chief Rabbi, conceived as the maximum representative of the Jews of the kingdom. This appointment fell on the Orabuena family of Tudela. This family retained this position until the mid-fifteenth century. In the last third of this century, another Tudela family, the Malach, replaces it.

The Jewish religion imposed a difficult observance. The infractions committed by the members of each community were reflected in the accounts of the court, representative of the king before the aljama. The executive agent is the bed iacute;n (albed iacute;n), member of the Jewish court and who received the ninth part of the amount of the fines. These fined relationships are a faithful testimony of the intramural life of the Jewry: closed universe, where strong tensions were fought. Fights, violations, tax crimes, etc. they have a timely reflection in this documentation.

Assistance to the poor was regulated by various precepts. There was an obligation to help the needy. The community had a patrimony for it, the "almosna " or brotherhood of the poor. For several decades Mosse Dona Margelina figured as administrator of the goods of the said "almosna ".

They enjoyed total freedom to exercise any activity. From the thirteenth century they lent money through debt recognition letters - letters loans - which have their fiscal reflection in the so-called rights of the Jewish clerk. On the other hand, from remote times they were interested in the use of water for their fields. They intervened in the construction of dams, irrigation channels and other works that increased the yields of their fields of Grisera, Mosquera and Traslapuent, in the surroundings of Tudela, where their estates of wheat and wine were located. From the legal point, he had access to full ownership of real estate.

During the 12th and 13th centuries the Abolfaza, Abenardut, Ben Pesbat and Menir families -all of them from the Tudela Jewish Quarter- figure as owners of a pomegranate heritage, both rural and urban properties. For the fourteenth century, relations of Jewish property that were alienated prior to 1381 have been preserved: they are the records of Guillem de Agreda, dance of the Jews of Tudela, and Rem oacute;n de Zariquiegui, hall of the Merindad de Estella. The motivations of sales flows were not clearly expressed.

On the contrary, the intention of the Navarrese monarch to curb the massive transfer of properties from Jewish hands to Christian and Moorish, a phenomenon very common in the years after the great social cataclysm of 1348. The Jews Ios de Tudela, Cascante and Corella, alienated an estate valued at about 7,589 pounds 3 salaries of tight carlines (that is, 151,783 salaries). Among the main vendors is Rabbi Jehuda Orabuena, the almosna of the aljama, Salom oacute;n de Ablitas Bueno ben Menir and Nathan del Gabay, whose sales exceed 7,500 salaries.

The goods were of different nature: vineyards, orchards, pieces, moors, water rights, houses, corrals, eras, etc. The orchards were the estates that reached the highest prices: 1,451 average salaries. The cultivation of the vine, in full expansion in the late medieval centuries, occupied wide spaces in the Ribera Tudelana. The value of the transferred vines represents only 42.08% of the total sales. Jewish wine (Judevenco) enjoyed esteem for its quality and purity.

The sales made by Estellese Jews were more modest; the capitalization of these was 35,023 salaries, or 1,751 pounds, 3 salaries. In this area the vineyard is less representative. And there is, on the contrary, a higher level in the urban heritage. The biggest sellers were A ccedil;ach Medell iacute;n. 5,140 salaries; Judas Ezquerra, 2,340 salaries (both from Estella's aljama); Gento Romi, Jew of Ler iacute;n, 4,372 salaries, and Mosse Axenil, of Los Arcos, 2,160 salaries. The sales referred to the residents in Viana amounted to 107,924 salaries.

By sectors, the distribution is as follows: urban property, 50.17%; vineyard, 41.12% and the rest -8.71% - is divided between the pieces and the orchards. With values ​​above 7,500 salaries, the following vendors are listed: Haim Melca, 15,417 salaries; Don Galaf Benay oacute;
n, 11,940; Gento Benay oacute;n, 11,339; Gento Melca, 8,808 and Ju ccedil;e Benay oacute;n 7,630 salaries.

There are sectors of productive activity to which the Jewish population showed a greater inclination. The cloth trade, the furs and jewelery is almost monopolized by Hebrew merchants. His presence in the luxury cloth market was very intense. Rich merchants like Ezmel Ebendavid, from Olite, Abrabam ben Xoep, from Estella, and Ju ccedil;e Orabuena himself, have an extensive network of correspondents for the marketing of cloths from Bristol, Flanders, etc. Among his clientele were the bourgeois of Pamplona and the Royal family itself. They formed true mercantile associations of international scope with capital and Jewish personnel.

In the early years of the fifteenth century, the Jewish Abolish Ben Xoep Estell eacute;s, together with four fellow members of Pamplona, ​​formed a "compaynnia of mercan de Paynnos ". Not only the trade, but the craftsmanship of these luxury fabrics was in their hands: those of tailors, embroiderers, pearls, etc., are common occupations of the Navarrese Jews.

They have always excelled in the practice of medicine. Names of medical families are the Constantini, Alja eacute;n, Orabuena, Matar oacute;n, etc. To his care was the health of princes and kings. Doctors and men of the trust of the kings Juana II and Felipe de Evreux were Henoch and Salom oacute;n al-Constantini, sent to the court of Pedro IV of Arag oacute;n on the occasion of their marriage with the Infanta Mar iacute;a. Jacob Alja eacute;n, called Don Bueno, from Pamplona, ​​was the doctor of Carlos II, whom he accompanied on his military expeditions to Normandy in 1353 and 1356. Samuel de Xer eacute;s, from the Pamplona Jewish quarter, and Jacob Ezquerra from Estella, enjoyed of the esteem of its neighbors. At times, their attentions overflowed the framework of their own communities.
Note : I find it interesting that the Benardout doctor already mentioned in Leroy is not mentiuoned here, but never mind, eh !!

Other less qualified trades were also performed by Jews for the benefit of the community: carpenters, painters, turners, masters, etc. His presence in other fields of craftsmanship was obvious: shoemakers, rope makers, bookbinders, etc. In 1445, Samuel Rabidavid charged one pound for binding (covering) the copy of the General Jurisdiction that was kept in the Chamber of Comptos.

But, without a doubt, the most widespread activity among the Jews of the medieval West was the loan - in its different modalities - of money. We must bear in mind the incidence of the increase in monetary circulation in the development of the economy. The monetary mass marketed by the Navarran moneylenders was a decisive factor for the reactivation of mercantile life. According to Talmudic norms, the loan is not allowed among the children of Israel.

However, the possibility of deposits without any gain is contemplated. This concession is called Quinnan (Qui
ntilde; aacute;n), which in practice became a real loan. There are numerous examples that corroborate these extremes, collected under the name of "Quenaces ". This term designated the economic sanction imposed on those debtors who, after the amortization period of the debt, had not satisfied the commitment acquired. This terminology was the usual one in the aljama of Tudela, because in the one of Estella and Pamplona the qualification of penalties on letters was used or, better still, letters to rnadas. These measures responded to the need to provide the credit system with the relevant security measures.

The most important money markets where Jewish moneylenders operated were: Tudela, Pamplona, ​​Estella, Olite, Los Arcos, Viana, Laguardia, Monreal, Sang uuml;esa and Puente la Reina. During the second half of the nineteenth century, the volume controlled by Jews reached one million carlins (fleece coins). The number of registered lenders is just over half a thousand; however, the real bankers did not reach a dozen.

In Tudela occupied the first positions H aacute;
im Franc eacute;s, Ju ccedil;e Cohen, Abraham Gamiz and Don Bueno Abenabez, with amounts greater than ten thousand salaries. In the Jewish quarter of Pamplona, ​​the Alborge family, nicknamed Eder, was the one that showed the greatest activity, between 1349 and 1386, they arranged two hundred and sixty credits for a value of 55,458 salaries 5 monies, plus 623 robberies (?) of wheat. The hiring levels reached by the Albofazan and Levi were much lower: 14,132 salaries and 12,964 salaries 1 money, respectively. An active banker, who controlled the markets of Olite and Tafalla, was Mosse Barzelay, a Jew from Falces, with an estimated capital of more than 10,000 salaries. The payroll of moneylenders also included women: owner, widow of Azach Encave, Cima and Soloru, all members of the Alborge family of Pamplona.

The large clientele of Jewish credit reached the most diverse sectors of society: peasants, artisans, noble clerics and royal officials. From 1330, with the "Amejoramiento " of the Fuero, the lenders had a legal device more in line with the times. Numerous provisions that regulated the money market appeared: interest rate (20%), terms for the renewal of credits, etc.

The assumptions on which the tax regime of the aljamas was based derived from the peculiar condition of its members. The perception of direct rents, such as the one that fell on each and every one of the members of the community, was joined by varied and complex tax procedures, based on indirect taxation on trade and consumption. For tax purposes, the Navarrese Jews were grouped into five circumscriptions: Tudela, Pamplona-Monreal, Estella, Viana and Val de Funes.

In the first half of the fourteenth century, coinciding with the waves of French emigrants, was established the Jews of Ultrapuertos for those who had not yet obtained the status of neighbor. Under the reign of Carlos II, in the transition from the 14th to the 15th century, from the demarcation of Viana, the community of Laguardia, which grouped San Vicente de la Sonsierra, broke with which it formed a new fiscal unit. The agreements for the payment of the tax included multi-year obligations and services. The most frequent periodicity was the triennium, although longer periods were usually negotiated. On the contrary, some annuities were subdivided into intermediate terms called "barracks " (quarters).

The collection of the pecha from the kingdom's aljamas is very variable, as its demographic importance is also changing. For the second half of the fourteenth century-the period best illuminated by documentation-the average perception estimated by aljama-district was as follows: Tudela, 2,500 pounds; Pamplona-Monreal, 1,500 pounds; Estella, 1,300 pounds; Viana, 650 pounds and Val de Funes, 500 pounds.

The indirect tax table imposed the most diverse actions: the Bedine, quenaces, shops, lezda of the butchers, ovens, cemeteries, etc. The Pamplona and Estella aljamas paid a census for housing. Notebooks of alcabalas are known referring to the markets of Estella, without it being known if they existed for other Hebrew groups. Therefore, we can distinguish several tax systems, which underwent extensive changes over time. The participation of the Jews in the administration of real finances was a very frequent occurrence in the different peninsular kingdoms. Their actions had two aspects: one as collecting agents, occasional officials, assigned to a specific mission; another, as renters of services and rents.

In the first case, the most well-known examples are those of Abraham Medell iacute;n that during several exercises raised the Laguardia pecha; Jehuda Levi and Abrabam ben Xoep, who acted as collectors in the Merindad de Estella. In 1360, Ezmel de Ablitas the Younger was the collector of the Ribera; and some years later, in 1369, his brother Salom oacute;n was designated major commissioner to receive the real rents.

On the other hand, the examples relating to landlords are even more eloquent. Tolls, mills, "tafurer iacute;a ", "modalaf iacute;a " and other services were managed by Jews. In 1492, Abraham Orabuena and Mosse ben Menir, leased the rights of the almud iacute; in 250 annual pounds, by a duration of four years. Some merchants concentrated their financial activity on this type of business; they came to form companies or associations of landlords.

In 1392, all Crown revenues were leased for 60,000 pounds for a period of two years. The company awarded this contract consisted of Guillem de Rosa, bourgeois of Pamplona, ​​and seven Jews (Jehuda ben Menir, Jehuda Levi, Josef Orabuena, Nathan del Gabay, Samuel Amarillo, Ezmel ben David and Azach Medellin). Some years later, in 1409, the disbursement made for the same concept was 60,000 pounds. On this occasion, the concessionaire company consisted of six Christians and six Jews. Not only were they servants of royalty, but they also lent their services to the nobility as administrators. At the end of the first half of the 15th century, Abraham de la Rabi
ccedil;a, a Jew from Tudela, was the administrator of Mossen Bertran de Lacarra, Lord of Ablitas.

The intellectual life of the Tudela judaica has left a deep mark on the Hebrew civilization of the Middle Ages. Jehuda Ha-Levi *, Abraham ben Ezra * and Benjamin de Tudela * are outstanding figures of his aljama. Focus of the western Judaism, center of rabbinical consultations, the Jewry of Tudela did not feel too much inclinations to the cabalistic speculations. Throughout the fifteenth century, controversies proliferated in Navarre communities that led to the problem of conversion. In 1498, six years later than in the peninsular kingdoms, the Jews were expelled from Navarra, under the pressure of the Catholic Monarchs.

Note from Sue Frank: I tried this twice now and this is what Google gives me. I am pretty sure the reference to nineteenth century is incorrect and is probably 14th. It's a mistake in the original

Feel free - I will always relate to what you say